How do masters in Sumba justify the sexual exploitation of female slaves?

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Masters in Sumba justify sexual exploitation by treating it as a normal right of ownership over enslaved women
Masters in Sumba justify sexual exploitation of female slaves by describing it as something they can “use” as part of their authority over people they consider their property. A pastor in East Sumba said a master can “use” his maidservant and that this is considered normal. A former head of the National Commission on Violence Against Women also said that if a girl is a slave, she belongs to the master, so sexual intercourse is not treated as rape but framed as using authority over what the master owns.
“Using” maidservants is described as normal within the caste system
A Protestant pastor, Marlin Lomi, said that a master can “use” his maidservant and that this is considered normal. The same rigid social structure divides society into maramba nobles, kabihu ordinary people, and atas slaves/servants, with the marapu belief system described as deeply tied to social stratification.
Sexual coercion is framed as authority over property, not rape
Andy Yentriyani, a former head of Komnas Perempuan, explained that if a girl is a slave she belongs to the master, and that sexual intercourse is not considered rape. In that framing, it is treated as “only using your authority (over) your belonging,” meaning the relationship is categorised as control over enslaved property rather than a criminal sexual assault.
Violence is described as enforcement when a female slave refuses
One maramba master confirmed that if he wants a female slave and she refuses him, he will beat her husband. This is presented alongside the broader pattern of domination by maramba masters through physical and sexual violence, with victims often not daring to testify, which the rights activist Martha Hebi said contributes to the violence going unpunished.
The justification is linked to how slavery is inherited and normalised
Slavery on Sumba is described as going from generation to generation and surviving despite Indonesia’s slavery ban in its 1945 constitution. In this context, the justifications offered by religious and former rights officials depict the sexual exploitation of female slaves as continuing to be normalised through long-standing caste and ownership ideas tied to maramba status.

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How do masters in Sumba justify the sexual exploitation of female slaves?

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